Sftsfie 

MASS 


SPEECH 


OF 

HON.  A.  E.  MAXWELL,  OF  FLOKIDA, 

IN  FAVOR  OF 


GRANTS  OF  PUBLIC  LANDS  FOR  RAILROADS. 


DELIVERED 


IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  JAN.  24,  1854. 


He 


WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED  AT  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE  OFFICE. 

1854. 


-C:': 


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LANDS  FOR  RAILROADS. 


The  House  being  in  the  Committee  of  the  Whole  1 
on  the  state  of  the  Union,  the  motion  to  refer  the  j 
President’s  annual  message  being  under  considera-  i 
tion — 

Mr.  MAXWELL  said: 

Mr.  Chairman:  As  I happen  to  be  one  of  those 
who  entertain  a great  respect  for  the  Chief  Execu- 
tive of  this  Union,  and  also  for  the  eminent  gen- 
tleman from  Illinois,  [Senator  Douglas,]  to  whom 
allusion  has  so  frequently  been  made  by  the  gen- 
tleman who  has  just  addressed  you,  [Mr.  Oliver, 
of  Missouri,]  it  may  be  expected  that  1 have 
risen  with  the  purpose  of  replying  to  his  remarks. 
But,  sir,  permit  me  to  say  that  I think  I can  best 
manifest  that  respect  by  passing  over  those  re- 
marks, so  full  of  wrath  and  fury,  in  perfect  silence. 
Yet  the  disjointed  mode  of  presenting  questions 
which  prevails  here,  is  to  me  a very  unsatisfactory 
one.  It  would  be  much  better — both  for  a proper 
understanding  of  the  questions  and  measures  pre- 
sented for  our  consideration,  and  for  the  dispatch 
of  business — if  we  could  have  that  consecutive 
debate  which  comes  fresh  and  ripe  for  the  issue. 
But  as  we  cannot  hope  for  that,  I must  conform 
to  the  practice,  and  avail  myself  of  the  latitude 
given  in  the  selection  of  subjects  on  which  the 
committee  may  be  addressed,  to  offer  some  re- 
marks on  a topic  of  much  interest  to  the  State  I 
have  the  honor  to  represent,  as  well  as  to  the 
country  at  large. 

If  others  prefer  the  discussion  of  general  ques- 
tionsof  less  immediate  practical  importance,  1 leave 
them  to  engage  in  it.  Not  because  I do  not  share 
with  them  a deep  concern  in  those  questions,  nor 
because  I do  not  feel  a strong  prompting  to  ex- 
press my  opinions  in  regard  to  them,  but  because 
I prefer  to  economize  the  time  allotted  me  on  this 
floor  so  as  to  devote  it  chiefly  to  questions  directly  ■ 
affecting  the  condition  of  my  constituents,  and 
tending  to  promote  their  welfare.  To  fulfill  their 
wishes,  next  to  constitutional  O'bligations,  will  be 
my  first  duty.  I shall  therefore  ask  the  indul- 
gence of  the  committee  while  I present  some  of 
ihe  more  important  considerations  which,  in  my 
judgment,  should  govern  Congress  in  its  action 
upon  the  public  lands — more  especially  in  its  ac- 
tion upon  bills  a.sking  grants  of  land  to  aid  in  the 
construction  of  railroads. 

To  undertake  the  discussion  of  all  the  land 
questions  which  have  been  brought  into  this 
House  would  require  more  time  than  I can  claim.  ! 
Indeed,  the  wide  field  into  which  that  discussion 
would  lead,  and  the  importance  of  many  of  those 
questions  independently  considered,  would  render 
it  impossible  tfiRt,  in  an  hour’s  time,  more  than  a 
hasty  word  could  be  bestowed  on  each,  if  the  ef-  ; 


fort  were  made  to  consider  them  all.  The  home- 
stead bill,  and  the  bill  for  the  graduation  of  the 
price  of  the  public  lands,  already  reported  to  this 
House;  the  bill  of  the  distinguished  gentleman  from 
New  York,  [Mr.  Bennett,]  proposing  a distribu- 
tion of  the  lands  among  the  States,  and  the  various 
bills  asking  grants  of  lands  for  different  purposes, 
all  teem  with  points  of  general  interest,  deserv- 
ing mature  deliberation;  and  although  I may  not 
be  permitted  to  engage  in  the  discussion  of  them, 
I shall,  at  least,  have  the  privilege  of  expressing 
my  opinions  upon  them  by  my  votes. 

I have  already  said,  I design  now  to  direct  the 
attention  of  the  committee  to  only  one  branch  of 
these  questions — that  which  relates  to  disposing  of 
the  public  lands  to  States  for  railroad  purposes. 
And  let  me  say  here,  that  I may  not  be  deemed 
discourteous  to  the  Committee  on  Public  Lands, 
who  have  this  subject  in  charge,  that  lam  not 
moved  to  speak  at  this  time  by  any  desire  to 
forestall  their  action,  or  by  any  want  of  confidence 
in  their  action.  I take  the  first  occasion  that  offers, 
that  I may  not,  in  the  uncertain  chances  of  getting 
the  floor  at  some  future  time,  miss  the  oppor- 
tunity of  urging  the  justice  and  propriety  of  cer- 
[ tain  measures  in  which  the  people  of  Florida  feel 
a deep  and  absorbing  interest. 

I do  not  wonder,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  public 
lands  have  given  occasion  to  much  strife  and 
controversy.  A property  so  immense,  and  of  a 
character  to  excite,  intensely,  the  cupidity  of  that 
large  class  who  devote  themselves  to  worldly  gain, 
would  naturally  become  surrounded  with  difficul- 
ties, and  give  rise  to  troubles  of  no  ordinary  im- 
port. As  a pecuniary  interest,  eagerly  watched 
and  coveted  by  States  as  well  as  by  individuals,  it 
could  not  but  gather  around  it  elements  of  discord 
and  contention.  Butmore  than  this,  and  aboveand 
beyond  all  mercenary  considerations — above  and 
beyond  the  reach  of  those  passions  which  contract 
the  conduct  of  men  into  selfishness,  and  of  States 
into  narrow  and  unworthy  aims — there  rose  an 
interest  which  looked  to  the  character  and  to  the 
' welfare  of  the  v/hole  country.  A free  people,  just 
j launched  into  inde[>endent  political  being,  anxious 
' to  cultivate  and  strengthen  the  spirit  to  which  they 
I were  indebted  for  that  being,  and  anxious  also  to 
I promote  the  growth  and  power  of  their  country,  had 
j a higher  duty  to  perform  than  merely  seeking  to  fill 
I the  public  purse.  A waste  v/ilderness  was  inviting 
I settlement,  and  the  arts  of  civilization.  Vast  re- 
! gions  were  spread  out  before  our  statesmen,  to  be 
' divided  into  future  commonwealths.  The  value 
! of  the  lands,  as  mere  property,  was  but  little  com- 
i pared  wirh  their  value  as  the  destined  seats  of 
! great  political  communities.  A wisdom  which  re- 


4 


quired  all  the  knov,?ledge  of  social  philosophy,  and 
of  political  economy,  was  necessary  to  meet  the 
responsibilities  imposed  by  the  trust  which  rested 
upon  the  Government.  That  the  conflict  betv/een 
grasping  avarice  and  that  wisdom  which  sought 
to  combine  social  and  political  advancement  with 
the  interests  of  the  National  Treasury,  and  with 
the  interests  of  the  States  in  their  united  capacity, 
should  have  been  an  arduous  one,  was  but  a natural 
result.  If  time  permitted,  it  would  be  interesting 
to  follow  the  liistory  of  legislation  in  respect  to  the 
public  lands,  with  a view  to  trace  the  course  of 
rival  interests,  and  to  ascertain  the  springs  of  our 
present  policy.  But  as  time  does  not  permit,  I 
shall,  for  a few  moments,  seek  to  direct  the  atten- 
tion of  the  committee  merely  to  the  results  of  that 
policy. 

Considering  these  results  as  connected  v/ith  the 
purposes  which  wise  statesmen,  in  the  manage- 
ment of  these  lands  must  have  had  in  view,  I must 
refer  to  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior, 
affirmed  in  all  its  conclusions  by  the  report  and 
tabular  statements  of  the  Commissioner  of  the 
General  Land  Office.  I have  only  to  point  to  those 
reports  to  exhibit  to  you  results  not  merely  grati- 
fying to  our  pride,  but  showing  that  there  has 
been  a w'lsdom  connected  w'ith  the  management 
of  these  lands  which  has  justified  and  vindicated 
the  policy  ado[)ted  by  the  Government.  The 
large  amount  of  money  yielded  to  the  Government 
from  these  lands,  over  and  above  the  expendi- 
tures in  connection  with  them,  over  and  above 
that  which  v/as  necessary  for  their  purchase,  and 
necessary  to  meet  incidental  expenses  in  their 
management — that  vast  amount,  considering  the 
question  in  the  light  of  a pecuniary  interest,  fur- 
nishes the  strongest  testimony  in  favor  of  the 
policy  which  was  adopted,  and  has  been  so  long  in 
operation.  Sixty  millions  net  profit  to  the  Govern- 
ment, and  lands  yet  tunsold  sufficient  to  yield, 
with  this  sum,  an  aggregate  of  ^.397,518,246,  will 
present  a showing  which  cannot  be  regarded  as 
condemning  past  legislation  on  this  subject. 

But  we  are  not  to  contract  our  views  in  ref- 
erence to  this  policy  by  simply  confining  them  to 
the  pecuniary  results.  Look  at  the  effect  of  that 
policy  on  the  growth  and  greatness  of  our  country. 

If  its  originators  designed  to  strengthen  our  in- 
stitutions, to  develop  the  wonderful  resources  em- 
bosomed in  our  soil,  to  give  facility  to  the  increase 
of  population,  and  to  throw  out  those  lands  in 
such  way  as  to  advance  the  social  and  political 
interests  of  a new  Republic,  they  accomplished 
these  ends.  Look  into  the  wilderness,  to  which  I | 
have  already  referred,  as  inviting  the  people  of 
this  country  and  of  all  countries  to  its  settlement 
and  improvement.  It  presents  to  us  those  grati- 
fying  pictures  which  excite  the  patriotic  pride  of 
every  American.  Industry,  wealth,  power,  and 
all  the  attendants  of  a high  civilization,  are  there  j 

f (resented  to  our  admiration.  And,  sir,  when  I i 
lave  heard  gentlemen  eloquently  descanting  upon 
the  progress,  the  power,  and  the  glory  of  our 
beloved  America,  I could  not  but  connect  with 
their  glowing  eulogies  a tribute  to  the  wisdom  and 
atriotism  of  those  by  whose  legislatioti  she  has 
een  brought  to  a position  and  a dignity  so  envi- 
able and  commanding;  and  I could  not  forget  that 
among  the  questions  on  which  their  action  was 
required,  and  in  which  were  involved  much  of 
weal  or  woe  to  their  country,  were  those  pertain- 


ing to  the  public  lands.  That  they  were  equal  to 
the  great  task  before  them,  that  they  performed  it 
in  a way  to  contribute  to  the  growth  and  pros- 
perity of  the  Union,  and  that  they  have  etdivened 
the  land,  even  to  the  remotest  confines,  with  the 
spirit  necessary  to  maintain  our  institutions,  i.s 
abundantly  shown  by  the  results  to  which  I have 
briefly  pointed. 

But  whether  we  look  upon  the  pictures  of  Amer- 
ican greatness,  so  well  and  so  frequently  drawn, 
even  during  the  brief  period  of  our  session,  or  to 
the  men  who  furnished  the  materials  for  them,  it 
is  difficult  to  restrain  the  gushing  emotion  v/ith 
which  they  fill  the  bosom.  I shall  not  weaken  the 
effect  of  those  pictures  by  undertaking  to  add  a 
single  feature  to  them.  I only  point  to  the  fact, 
that  where  there  was  but  recently  an  overshadow- 
ing wilderness,  under  the  management  and  policy 
of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  there  is 
now  a large,  flourishing,  growing,  great  people. 
The  empire  which  spreads  itself  out  in  the  West, 
the  North v/est,  in  the  South  and  Southwest,  is,  to 
my  mind,  and  I think  it  ought  to  be  to  the  mind 
of  every  one  who  will  give  the  proper  considera- 
tion, a satisfactory  vindication  of  the  policy  which 
this  Government  has  adopted  in  reference  to  the 
public  lands.  That  there  have  been  errors  to  be 
corrected,  and  evils  to  be  remedied,  will  not  be 
denied;  but,  looking  to  grand  results,  these  must 
fade  away,  and  become  subordinate  to  the  merits 
of  the  main  proposition. 

In  considering,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  policy  of  do- 
nating alternate  sections  of  the  public  land  for  rail- 
road purposes, a question  first  arises  as  to  the  power 
of  Congress  to  make  such  donations.  There  are 
some  who  deny  or  doubt  this  power;  but  between 
the  principal  parties  of  the  country  in  this  Hall  and 
elsewhere,  1 believe  there  is  no  material  difference 
of  opinion  as  to  its  existence — those  who  construe 
the  Constitution  so  as  to  give  Congress  a wide  dis- 
cretion in  authorizing  and  in  aiding  internal  im- 
provements, of  course  admitting  it;  and  those 
who  hold  Congress  to  a more  rigid  construction 
of  the  Constitution,  conceding  it  as  derived  from 
the  right  of  the  Government  in  its  proprietary 
character.  I take  my  position  with  the  latter,  and 
will  offer  a single  reason  to  sustain  it.  It  would  be 
unnecessary  to  elaborate  a question  which  has  been 
so  much  and  so  well  discussed  heretofore.  By  a 
clause  of  the  third  section  of  the  fourth  article  of 
the  Constitution,  Congress  is  empowered  to  dis- 
pose of  the  public  lands.  It  is  thus: 

“The  f’ojigress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of  am?  mak« 
all  needful  rules  and  reppilations  respectin"  the  territory  or 
other  property  helonginjtto  the  United  States  ; and  notliing 
in  this  Constitution  shall  be  so  construed  as  to  prejudice 
any  claims  ofthe  United  Slates  or  of  any  particular  State.’- 

That,  I say,  empowers  Congress  to  dispose  of  the 
territory,  (meaning  the  public  lands,  undoubtedly,) 
as  of  tlie  other  property  of  the  United  States,  it 
is  true  that  there  is  in  this  clause  no  restriction  or 
limitation  upon  the  power.  It  is  general  and  abso- 
lute; but  not  for  this  reason  to  be  exercised  to  any 
end  or  ends  that  Congress,  in  its  arbitrary  discre- 
tion, may  prefer.  It  can  make  no  dispo.‘^ition  of 
them  except  such  as  will  serve  the  common  inter- 
est— satisfy  the  comtnon  claims,  and  fulfill  the  Com- 
mon purposes  of  all  the  States  united  in  one  Con- 
federacy. The  very  nature  and  objects  of  the 
Government  holding  these  lands,  w'hich  Govern- 
ment was  brought  into  being  by  the  Constitution, 


from  which  alone  Congress  derives  any  power, 
innpose  the  restrictions  and  limitations  1 have  in- 
dicated. Congress  is  but  a member  of  Govern- 
ment, and  that  Government  but  the  connmon  agent 
of  the  States,  held  and  limited  in  its  action  to  the 
general  purposes  of  its  institutions.  And  hence  it 
can  do  nothing  by  any  or  all  of  its  members — 
unless  specially  authorized — which  has  not  refer- 
ence to  those  general  purposes  as  marked  and  de- 
fined by  that  Constitution. 

This  conclusion,  sir,  as  connected  with  the  sub- 
ject in  hand,  leads  to  the  inquiry  whether  Con- 
gress in  the  performance  of  the  general  duties 
devolved  upon  it  has  the  power  to  engage  in  a 
general  system  of  internal  improvements.  That 
question  1 do  not  propose  to  discuss.  It  would 
lead  me  beyond  the  range  of  my  subject.  It  is 
sufficient,  perhaps,  for  the  present,  to  say,  that 
those  with  whom  I act  politically  hold  that  no 
such  power  is  given.  And,  proceeding  on  the 
assumption  that  they  are  right,  it  follows  that  if 
Congress  has  power  to  grant  lands  in  aid  of  rail- 
roads, it  must  be  found  where  we  pltice  it.  It 
must  be  found  in  the  character  of  the  Government 
as  proprietor,  sole  manager,  and  sole  disposer  of 
the  [)ublic  domain.  That  such  is  its  character,  as 
affected  by  that  domain,  is  proved  by  that  clause 
of  the  Constitution  which  I have  just  read. 

But  it  must  not  be  forgotten — and  here  1 reit- 
erate the  idea — that  in  the  exercise  of  that  propri- 
etorship it  must  render  its  action  subordinate  to 
the  general  purposes  for  which  tlie  Government 
was  instituted,  as  defined  and  limited  by  the  Con- 
stitution which  created  and  fashioned  it.  And 
this  is  true,  sir,  whether  we  speak  of  lands  ob- 
tained by  cession  from  the  Stales,  or  by  acquisi- 
tion from  foreign  countries — the  position  as  to  the 
former  being  confirmed  and  strengthened  by  the 
fact  that  the  deeds  of  cession  gave  direction  to 
these  lands  which  indicate  purposes  precisely 
those  had  in  view  in  the  formation  of  the  Federal 
Government. 

Foregoing  further  remarks  as  to  the  different 
sources  from  which  the  power  is  derived,  let  me 
note  the  fact  that  the  power  itself  is  admitted  by 
all  parties.  I am  aware  that  there  are  gentlemen, 
eTen  on  this  floor,  I believe,  standing  as  individ- 
ual exceptions,  who  entertain  doubts  on  the  ques- 
tion. If  I can  be  so  fortunate  as  to  gain  their  at- 
tention, I shall  undertake  to  satisfy  them,  that  even 
the  strictest  constructionist  and  the  most  rigid 
guardian  of  the  public  lands  must  be  constrained 
'to  acknowledge  the  power,  if  it  can  be  shown 
that  such  gratits  have  the  effect  to  advance  the 
legitimate  ends  for  which  the  lands  are  held. 
They  will  admit  that  Congress  has  the  power  to 
“dispose  of”  the  public  lands.  That  is  proved 
by  the  clause  of  the  Constitution  to  which  I 
have  referred.  They  will  admit  that  Congress  is 
bound,  in  disposing  of  them,  so  to  do  it  as  that  the 
Government  and  our  common  country  shall  re- 
alize tlie  largest  profit  and  thegreatest  benefitfrom 
them.  No  one  will  deny  either  of  these  (iroposi- 
tion.s.  They  are  in  vulnerable;  and,  taking  them 
as  the  ground- vi^ork,  I hold,  if  it  can  be  proved 
that  such  a disposition  of  them  causes  an  increased 
yield  of  the  proceeds  of  the  lands,  or  does  not 
cause  a diminution  of  those  proceeds,  it  is  at  the 
same  time  proved  beyond  the  most  rigid  question 
that  the  power  exists,  and  proved  also  that  the 
policy  is  a safe,  sound,  judicious,  and  wise  one. 


1 


! 


! 


I ■ 


That  proof  it  will 'be  the  purpose  of  su'^h  further 
remarks  as  I may  have  the  honor  to  subnet,  to 
adduce.  ^ 

A few  years  ago,  the  policy  of  which  I am 
speaking  was  entirely  an  open  que.stion.  Saga- 
cious statesmen,  rea.soning  upon  general  princi- 
ples, thought  they  foresaw  that  such  a disposition 
of  the  public  lands,  as  that  contemplated  in  the 
bills  of  which  I am  speaking,  would  bring  about 
happy  results  to  the  country.  They  thought  that 
those  parts  of  the  country  where  the  lands  were 
locked  up,  and  from  which  the  industry  and  en- 
terprise of  our  citizens  were  excluded,  should  be 
brought  into  more  immediate  connection  with  the 
markets  of  the  world,  and  with  the  general  inter- 
ests of  agriculture  and  commerce.  They  thought 
they  might  rely  upon  the  truism,  that  in  propor- 
tion as  you  bring  lands  into  proximity  to  market, 
you  increase  their  value,  and  likewise  increase  the 
demand  for  them;  and  that  such  a disposition  as 
they  proposed  would  not  only  benefit  the  particu- 
lar location,  but  would  also  benefit  the  Govern- 
ment and  the  whole  country. 

Now,  sir,  I have  only  to  refer  to  the  results — 
tested  but  for  a very  short  time,  it  is  true — to  results 
which  have  already  startled  or  confounded  those 
who  oppose  this  policy,  to  justify  it  upon  the 
grounds  where  we  place  it.  If  I refer  again  to 
the  report  of  the  Commissioner  of  the  General 
Land  Office,  I find  facts  which,  in  the  amplest 
manner,  justify  this  policy.  The  Secretary  of  the 
Interior  and  the  Commissioner,  no  longer  dealing 
in  mere  speculation,  both  refer  to  these  facts,  show- 
ing the  operation  of  such  grants  as  we  ask,  and 
proving  the  positionsassumed  in  reference  to  them. 
They  show  that  what  was  but  a theory  and  a hope 
of  yesterday,  is  now  demonstrated  truth;  that 
what  was  but  dreamed  of,  is  now  a thing  realized. 

The  manner  of  reasoning  on  this  subject  adopted 
by  these  functionaries  ought  to  satisfy  every  mind; 
and  I am  sure  that  the  father  of  the  inductive  phi- 
losopliy.  Lord  Bacon  himself,  if  he  were  here  to 
test  the  conclusions  to  v/hich  the  strong  array  of 
facts  they  present  have  led  them,  he  could  not 
escape  the  conviction  of  their  correctness. 

The  Commissioner  takes  different  sections  of 
country  where  grants  have  been  made  in  aid  of 
railroads — he  inquires  whether  there  has  been  any 
change  in  the  demand  for  the  public  lands,  and 
any  increase  of  sales  since  tlie  grants  were  made, 
and  he  finds  the  remarkable  result,  tliat  although 
his  inquiry  relates  to  points  far  removed  from  each 
other,  divided  and  separated,  and  therefore  to  be 
aflfec  ed  by  separate  and  different  causes,  yet  in 
every  instance  the  fact  comes  out  that  the  demand 
and  sale.s  have  greatly  increased,  and  havethereby 
verified  the  predictions  v.'hir.h  were  put  forth  in 
reference  to  the  effects  of  this  policy.  He  takes 
one  case,  that  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  where  a very 
large  grant  of  lands  was  made,  and  shows  that 
lands  which  were  lying  waste  and  uncultivated, 
notwithstanding  their  great  fertility  and  inherent 
value,  because  they  were  so  little  accessible  that 
an  enterpri.sing  people  like  those  of  America  did 
not  choose  to  Imry  themselves  thereon — lie  shows 
that  more  of  those  lands  lying  along  the  railroads 
which  have  been  established  iindn'  the  operation 
of  these  acts,  were  disposed  of  in  one  year  than 
were  sold  altogether  in  the  fiscal  year  preceding. 

He  then  takes  another  case — and  I hope  the 
committee  will  bear  with  me  for  a moment  in 


callin^attention  to  what  is  already  before  them — j 
wherf  a grant  of  lands  was  made  upon  the  same 
principle  for  a canal  in  Michigan,  and  shov/s  that 
a si'^ilar  result  followed  there — an  increased  de- 
mand for  the  public  lands,  and  an  increased  flow 
q(  their  proceeds  into  the  Treasury,  He  goes  i 
farther,  and  cites  us  to  the  case  of  Missouri,  and  ! 
shows  that  there  the  same  effect  has  been  pro-  ! 
(luced;  and  in  that  instance,  as  in  another  to  I 
which  I will  refer  presently,  is  particular  to  show 
the  difference  between  the  sales  before  and  after  j 
the  grants.  [ 

7’he  attention  of  the  committee  is  invited  to  i 
some  of  his  statistics.  Wliile  at  St.  Louis,  in  j 
1850,  there  were  sold  4,958  acres;  in  1851,  18,000  | 
acres;  and  in  1852,  1,000  acres;  in  1853,  after  the 
operation  of  this  grant  to  Missouri  had  com- i 
menced,  there  were  sold  41,000  acres;  and  I might  I 
refer  to  other  land  offlces  in  that  State  where  there  * 
is  the  same  proportion  in  the  sales;  in  some  in- 
stances a little  less,  and  i?i  some  a little  larger.  The 
same  genera!  result  will  be  shown.  In  Mississippi  | 
the  figures  he  gives  point  still  to  the  same  result; 
but  it  is  needless  to  repeat  them,  or  to  continue  ! 
this  detail.  |; 

Now,  sir,  these  are  facts — facts  which  cannot  ' 
be  disputed,  and  which  speak  their  own  story.  1 
States  in  the  South,  in  the  West,  and  in  the  North-  , 
west,  operated  upon  by  different  causes,  having  j 
different  interests,  controlled  by  different  laws,  ‘ 
raising  different  products,  and  connected  with  dif-  i| 
ferent  markets,  yet  find  the  lands  within  their  !i 
borders  suddenly  in  great  demand,  and  bringing  |j 
higher  prices  than  in  years  past.  The  Federal!! 
Government  receives  more  from  them,  and  the  | 
whole  country  feels  the  good  influence  of  the  | 
change.  A result  so  uniform  must  be  attributed  I j 
to  the  same  cause — an  effect  so  remarkable  must  | 
be  traced  to  a source  which  forms  a new  and  im-  ! 
portant  element  in  the  history  of  the  subject  to  | 
which  it  relates.  I 

Mr.  Chairman,  I do  not  know  tliat  it  is  neces-  j 
sary  to  continue  these  remarks  for  the  purpose  of 
substantiating  the  position  I have  taken.  Unless 
these  facts  can  be  controverted,  the  policy  has  been 
fully  vindicated,  notwithstanding  the  short  time 
which  has  ela[)sed  since  the  system  has,  to  any 
extent,  been  adopted.  The  facts  which  have  been 
presented  for  our  consideration  attest  its  sound- 1 
ness.  And  these  facts  prove — what?  They' 
prove  that  where  lands  were  unsaleable  and  utterly  ! 
worthless  for  any  purposes  of  public  utility,  they 
have  become  saleable;  and  not  only  saleable,  but 
in  great  demand.  That  they  have  yielded,  with 
the  increased  price  which  has  been  imposed  upon  ! 
them,  a greater  amount  of  revenue  into  the  public 
Treasury  than  they  were  yielding  before,  or  were 
likely  to  yield.  I submit  whether  this  is  not  suffi- 
cient to  give  sanction  to  these  grants.  Upon  this 
proof,  though  but  loosely  presented,  w'e  base  our 
applications  f>r  the  continuance  and  enlargement  ; 
of  this  policy.  j! 

I have  heard  here  and  there,  in  this  House, 
objections  n>ade  to  these  grants  because  of  the  fact  ^ 
that  they  seem  to  be  favors  to  particular  States. 
Some  gentlemen  seem  to  have  the  impression  that 
when  Congress  makes  a gratit  of  this  sort,  it  is 
giving  a favor  to  one  Stale  which  is  the  taking 
away  of  something  that  belongs  to  other  Spates. 
The  remarks  1 have  submitted  to  the  committee, 
if  they  have  proved  tiothing  else,  have  proved  at  i 


least  that  this  is  not  the  effect.  When  you 
strengthen  one  section  of  the  Confederacy,  you  at 
the  same  time  strengthen  the  wffiole  Confederacy. 
In  proportion  as  you  give  facilities  to  the  States 
to  develop  their  resources  and  encourage  the  in- 
dustry of  their  citizens — these  things  being  done, 
of  course,  with  a strict  regard  for  the  duties  of  this 
body  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States — 
in  that  same  proportion  will  you  advance  the 
common  interests  of  the  country. 

It  becomes  me  now,  sir — for  I will  confess  that 
my  main  purpose  in  these  remarks  has  been  to 
justify  the  policy  with  reference  to  grants  which 
I have  asked  for  the  State  I have  the  honor  to  rep- 
resent— to  explain  what  application  I propose  to 
make  of  this  policy  to  that  State. 

The  lines  of  railroad  for  which  I ask  grants 
are  these:  One  from  some  point  upon  the  Atlan- 
tic coast,  or  some  point  upon  one  of  the  tributa- 
ries to  the  Atlantic,  extending  across  the  penin- 
sula to  such  point  south  of  the  Suwannee  river 
as  may  be  designated  under  the  authority  of  the 
State. 

Another  extends  from  a point  on  the  Georgia 
line  as  far  east  as  practicable  in  Middle  Florida, 
through  Middle  and  West  Florida  to  Pensacola, 
with  a direct  connection  between  this  and  the  for- 
mer at  such  points  as  will  make  an  entire  line 
through  the  State,  constituting  a great  central  rail- 
road. 

There  is  another  line  for  which  I have  asked  a 
grant — from  Montgomery,  in  Alabama,  to  Pensa- 
cola, in  Florida.  Now  I can  state  to  thiscommittee, 
from  my  own  personal  knowledge,  that  the  public 
lands  along  the  lines  indicated,  are  of  that  charac- 
ter which  can  never  be  valuable  to  the  Government, 
unless  they  are  made  so  by  improvements  of  the 
kind  contemplated  in  the  bills  1 have  submitted  to 
the  House.  Those  lands,  although  not  entirely 
barren,  are  valuable  chiefly  for  their  timber,  and 
for  their  turpentine;  and  those  who  understand 
the  business  growing  out  of  these  can  very  readily 
see  that  where  they  impart  value  and  interest  to  a 
particular  locality,  that  value  and  interest  cannot 
be  developed  unless  there  is  a facility  for  getting 
to  market.  Such  heavy  and  unmanageable  pi  od- 
ucts  must  be  transported  by  some  otlier  than  the 
ordinary  means  of  land  carriage.  Other  products, 
more  easy  of  transportation,  and  which  will  re- 
munerate the  citizen  for  his  labor  and  capital, 
are  not  subject  to  the  same  necessity.  With  a 
view  to  these,  all  the  rich  and  medium  lands  in 
Florida,  along  the  lines  I have  mentioned , have  been 
already  taken  up.  The  lands  yet  undisposed  of 
have  been  in  market  for  periods  varying  from  five 
to  thirty  years;  on  an  average,  I suppose,  of  about 
eighteen  years. 

There  is  in  Florida  a much  larger  portion  of  the 
public  lands  remaining  unsold  than  in  any  other 
Slate.  And  why  have  they  remained  there  idle, 
uncultivated,  yielding  nothing  to  the  Treasury, 
and  giving  no  benefit  to  the  State  or  to  the  country 
generally?  Chiefly  for  the  want  of  those  facil- 
ities which  would  give  remunerating  value  to 
them.  It  is  true  there  have  been  other  causes 
operating  in  Florida — partly  from  the  neglect 
of  this  Government — which  have  retarded  sales 
and  the  progress  of  that  Stale.  I refer  particu- 
larly to  the  great  neglect  of  the  Government  in 
permitting  the  Seminole  Indians  to  remain  so  long 
in  that  State — a neglect  which  has  hindered  im- 


migration,  crippled  the  energies  of  our  people, 
and  prevented  that  increase  of  population  which  ! 
her  natural  resources  would  invite.  This  has  been 
one  of  the  causes  operating  against  the  growth 
and  advancement  of  that  State;  but  among  the 
principle  causes  why  these  lands  have  been  so 
long  in  market,  and  have  not  been  sold,  there 
stands  out  the  fact  that  in  their  present  position, 
considering  their  quality  and  their  remoteness  from 
transporting  facilities,  they  are  in  the  nature  of 
things  unsaleable  Unless  they  can  be  made  sale- 
able by  improvements  of  the  character  of  which  I j 
speak,  they  will  ever  remain  so.  The  assertion  j 
may  be  made,  and  I do  not  believe  that  the  test  of  | 
time  will  contradict  it,  that  these  lands  can  never 
be  sold,  unless  there  are  railroads  established 
through  the  State  that  will  give  them  a value 
which  they  do  not  inherently  possess. 

All  the  rich  and  fertile  lands  of  the  State  having 
been  sold,  and  being  now  held  by  private  individ- 
uals or  companies,  we  cannot  expect  to  realize 
any  large  advantage  from  that  class  by  securing 
the  grants  we  ask  of  this  Congress.  We  must 
take  our  chances  with  the  poorer  lands,  in  the  hope 
that  by  a new  life  through  our  exertions  imparted 
to  them,  they  may  assume  a value  to  benefit  the 
Government  as  well  as  ourselves.  The  good  lands 
in  Florida  are  scattered  in  such  a way  that  it  is  im- 
possible to  concentrate  population  as  we  would 
desire  to  do.  There  cannot  be  the  close  embody- 
ing of  the  masses  which  is  necessary  to  give  that 
strength  to  the  State,  as  the  frontier  State  of  the 
Union,  which  it  is  important  to  have  her  nossess. 
But  yet  we  can  contribute  something  towards  it  by 
doing  what  this  Congress  is  asked  to  do — by  grant- 
ing to  the  State  lands  which  will  take  nothing  from 
the  Federal  Treasury,  which  will  do  no  injury  to 
any  of  her  confederates  in  the  Union,  and  which 
will  not  take  one  farthing  from  the  pocket  of  any 
man,  or  from  the  treasury  of  any  State. 

We  ask  that  lands  may  be  given  us,  with 
a view  not  to  our  own  benefit  merely — because 
if  we  did  not  believe  that  they  would  at  the 
same  time  benefit  the  country  and  the  Federal  I 
Government,  I could  not,  on  the  principles  upon  t 
which  I base  my  advocacy  of  such  measures,  pro- 
pose them,  anxiously  as  my  people  desire  it — but 
with  a view  to  the  general  benefit.  Believing  that 
such  will  be  the  effect — believing  that  the  same 
results  will  be  developed  in  connection  with  the 
Florida  lands  v/hich  have  been  developed  in  Mis- 
souri, in  Illinois,  in  Mississippi,  and  in  other 
States  mentioned  by  the  Commissioner  of  the  I 
General  Land  Office,  I confidently  ask  that  this  | 
Congress,  looking  not  merely  to  Florida  as  a I 
single  State,  separated  from  the  others,  and  having  j 
separate  and  distinct  interests,  but  looking  to  the  [ 
common  good  of  the  country,  and  legislating  for  ' 
all  our  constituents,  shall  pass  favorably  on  the  ! 
bills  whichl  have  introduced.  I 

There  have  been  grants  made  to  different  States  [ 
of  this  Union  ; and  were  the  trouble  taken  to  make 
the  comparison,  it  would  be  found  that  they  ex- 
ceed, in  proportion  to  territory,  the  grants  pro- 
posed in  my  bills.  Florida,  notwithstanding  her 
apparent  feebleness,  is,  in  extent  of  territory, 
larger  than  any  of  the  new  States,  except  Missouri, 
(of  course  excluding  Texas  and  California,  be-  I 
cause  the  lands  in  those  States  have  not  been  I 
brought  into  connection  with  any  of  these  ques- 1 
tions) — I say  that  Florida  is  the  largest  land  State  i 


in  the  Union,  excepting  Missouri.  Now,  I find  that 
! in  Illinois,  where  such  v/onderful  results  havebeen 
developed  by  grants  heretofore  made  by  Congress, 
there  are  some  three  millions  of  acres  of  land  less 
than  there  are  in  Florida;  and  I find  that  besid^ 
grants  to  that  State  for  improvements  similar  to 
those  made  to  the  State  of  Florida,  there  have  been 
granted  some  two  million  five  hundred  thousand 
acres  for  railroads.  I'he  grant  for  which  I ask  ex- 
tends along  a line  altogether  of  about  five  hundred 
and  fifty  miles,  and  would  require  about  two  mil- 
j lions  of  acres,  according  to  the  estimate  with  which 
I I have  been  furnished  by  the  Commissioner  of  the 
I General  Land  Office.  Florida,  then,  a State  larger 
I than  Illinois,  largerthan  Arkansas, and  very  nearly 
as  large  as  the  State  of  Missouri,  and  having  a 
much  larger  quantity  of  worthless  lands  than  either, 
asks  grants  of  about  the  same  number  of  acres 
which  has  been  given  to  each  of  those  States. 
And  if  time  permitted  special  reference  to  grants 
to  other  land  States,  it  would  be  seen  that  she  seeks 
no  undue  proportion.  She  asks  none.  She  is 
willing  to  accept  the  same  measure  which  has  been 
meted  to  others. 

The  geographical  position  of  Florida  it  is  hardly 
worth  my  v.'hile  to  dwell  upon  at  this  lime.  It  is 
known  that  she  lies  right  across  the  track  of  the 
great  trade  through  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  a trade 
which  is  destined  to  grow  and  increase  to  an  in- 
calculable importance.  In  this  connection,  Florida 
occupies  a position  of  vast  national  consequence. 
Even  under  the  dominion  of  old  Spain  this  was 
foreseen,  and  a transit  across  the  peninsula  was 
spoken  of  as  an  object  of  the  highest  moment. 
Since  our  acquisition  of  that  peninsula,  the  sub- 
ject has  been,  from  time  to  time,  brought  to  the 
notice  of  the  country  in  a way  to  show  that  the 
immeasurable  benefits  of  such  a transit  are  in  some 
degree  appreciated.  My  State  designs  to  furnish 
this  transit,  and  in  doing  so,  she  will  feel  that  she 
is  performing  a national  work  desired  by  all  parts 
of  the  Union. 

Lying  on  the  southern  frontier,  Florida  is  not 
of  the  little  consequence  which  her  present  sparse 
population  might  indicate.  All  exposed  as  is 
her  condition,  she  stands  there  as  a barrier  and 
a breakwater  in  time  of  danger,  of  which  other 
portions  of  the  Union  can  avail  themselves  to 
insure  their  own  safety.  She  holds  that  national 
position  whose  importance  is  not  exceeded  by 
that  of  any  other  State  in  the  Union.  She  has  a 
line  of  sea-coast  equal  to  one  third  of  the  whole 
sea-coast  of  the  Union,  this  side  of  the  Pacific.  A 
greater  portion  of  this  fronts  upon  a region  of  the 
world  which  exposes  her  to  whatever  perils  the 
future  may  bear  to  these  States;  and  it  is  the 
duty  of  Government  so  to  guard  and  protect  it, 
and  so  to  strengthen  it,  within  the  legitimate  pro- 
vince of  its  functions,  as  to  give  the  people  of  that 
State  ability  to  perform  the  duty — which  it  will 
ever  be  their  pride  to  perform — that  they  owe  not 
only  to  themselves,  but  to  the  country  of  which 
they  form  a part. 

Standing  there  sir,  as  a frontier  State,  she  feela 
the  importance  of  her  position  to  the  Union  in 
connection  with  any  future  difficulties  which  may 
arise  in  that  quarter  ; and  every  State  in  this  Con- 
federacy must  see  and  feel  that  facilities  for  the 
passage  of  troops  and  for  the  transportation  of 
all  the  munitions  and  materials  of  war  within  her 
limits,  are  of  the  utmost  necessity.  If  there  is 


// 


8 


any /’art  of  this  hemisphere  to  which  we  may! 
dirr^t  our  attention,  as  being  the  probable  seat  of 
diiicullies  to  this  Government,  we  must  point  to 
t}jat  part  beyond  Florida.  There  is  in  the  islands 
find  in  the  continent  south  of  her  but  the  begin- 
ning of  life,  political  and  social.  The  United 
States  have  not  yet  sufficiently  felt  the  force  of  the 
moral  and  political  questions  which  lie  there  to  be 
considered — they  have  not  yet  felt  that  complexity 
with  the  interests  involved  in  iheir  relations  to 
those  countries,  which  at  some  future  day  is  | 
destined  to  entangle  them  more  than  any  other  I 
foreign  interests  with  whicli  we  are  to  be  con- 1 
nected.  Sir,  the  growth  of  this  Unioh  of  ours 
points  in  that  direction;  and  whether  it  grows 
or  not,  if  the  moral  influence  which  is  sent  out 
from  the  heart  of  this  nation;  if  that  influence 
which  has  already  gone  into  the  old  countries  of 
the  world  is  to  liave  its  due  effect  nearer  home;  if 
it  is  to  form  and  fashion,  and  control  political  and 
social  ideas  in  that  part  of  the  world,  then  those 
portions  of  the  country  exposed  to  immediate  con- 
nection therewith  attain  an  importance  and  mag-^ 
nitude  not  exceeded  by  the  importance  and  mag-"' 
nitude  of  any  other  portion  of  the  Union. 

Looking  to  this  phase  of  the  subject  as  statesmen, 
and  as  men  who  have  a pride  in  strengthening 
those  institutions  of  which  we  so  justly  boast;  as 
men  who  look  to  the  future  as  involving  the  des- 
tiny not  only  of  ourselves,  but  of  our  successors, 
and  of  vast  numbers  of  the  human  race  with  whom 
we  are  more  or  less  intimately  associated — look- 
ing to  this,  we  cannot  regard  the  position  of  Flor- 
ida, and  the  strengthening  of  Florida,  a very  light 
and  trivial  thing  to  this  Union.  These  earnestly 
invite  the  attention  and  action  of  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States;  and  I am  glad  to  have  seen, 
from  the  action  of  the  last  Congress,  that  there  is 
beginning  to  grow  an  appreciation  of  the  import- 
ance of  that  position,  and  of  the  duties  thereliy 
devolved  upon  the  Government.  I hope  to  find 
in  this  Congress  a spirit  which  will  respond  to  the 
spirit  of  the  last,  in  connection  with  improvements 
for  Florida — not  as  being  for  her  alone,  but  as 
even  of  more  urgency  for  the  entire  Union.  1 
refer  more  particularly  to  the  improvements  at  the 
Tortugas  and  Key  West,  and  also  at  the  Pensa- 
cola navy-yard. 

I shall  not  have  time,  in  the  brief  space  allotted 
to  me,  to  develop  the  importance  of  these  views 
in  connection  with  the  future  career  of  America, 
and  the  events,  destined  to  become  great  events, 
which  are  embosomed  in  and  about  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  and  which  are  rapidly  pressing  upon  the 
attention,  not  only  of  statesmen,  but  of  the  peo- 
ple. I cannot  devote  further  consideration  to 
these,  and  will  therefore  simply  point  to  the  fact 
which  must  strike  the  mind  of  every  one,  that 
these  interests  are  vastly  higher  than  any  mere 
local  interests,  and  should  be  regarded  from  a 
point  no  less  elevated  than  the  chief  capital  of 
our  happy  country. 

Though  there  are  many  points  I have  barely 
touched,  I am  v/arned  that  my  remarks  must  be 
hastened  to  a conclusion.  I may  have  the  oppor- 
tunity to  be  more  specific  in  regard  to  the  import- 
ance and  connections  of  the  different  roads,  when  I 
the  bills  come  before  the  House  on  their  passage.  I 


Thus,  briefly  and  imperfectly,  I have  presented 
the  grounds  upon  which  Florida  asks  that  grants 
of  alternate  sections  of  land  may  be  granred  her, 
to  enable  her  to  build  certain  railroads.  Is  the 
request  an  unreasonable  one.?  Does  she  ask  that 
which,  under  the  Constitution,  or  under  the  injunc- 
tions of  a wise  policy,  is  improper,  and  therefore 
to  be  prohibited.?  Does  she  ask  that  which,  by 
benefitting  her,  will  cause  injury  to  her  sister 
States.?  Does  she  ask  that  which  w’ill  work  injus- 
tice to  the  Federal  Government,  to  her  co-States, 
or  to  that  common  country  to  whose  fate  her  own 
is  bound  by  ties  which,  we  would  hope,  shall 
never  be  severed.  My  remarks  have  had  but 
poor  success  if  they  have  not  authorized  and  con- 
strained a negative  answer  to  all  these  questions. 
Then  shall  she  receive  the  grants  for  which  she 
asks .? 

The  North  and  the  East  should  favor  them, 
because  of  their  marine  and  commercial  interests. 

The  Noth  west  should  favor  them,  because  having 
received  similar  grants,  she  cannot  refuse  without 
an  unjust  and  unkind  distinction  against  a younger 
sister. 

The  Middle  Stales  should  favor  them,  because 
while  benefiting  others  with  whom  they  are  in- 
timately allied,  there  is  no  loss  and  injury  to 
themselves. 

The  West  should  favor  them,  because  of  the  im- 
mense commerce  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  in  which 
she  has  a transcendant  interest,  and  which  must 
pass  along  the  shores  of  Florida. 

The  South  should  favor  them,  because  of  the 
kindred  sympathies  and  kindred  interests  which 
unite  her  with  Florida  in  a common  destiny. 

All  the  States  and  all  sections  should  favor  them, 
because  by  strengthening  one  of  their  confeder- 
ates they  strengthen  themselves,  and  by  opening 
sources  of  industry,  and  thus  stimulating  the  en- 
terprise of  her  citizens,  they  at  the  same  time  open 
a field  for  the  industry  and  enterprise  of  their  own 
citizens,  and  thereby  help  to  promote  their  w’ealth 
and  prosperity. 

This  Congress,  the  representative  of  all  inter- 
ests, the  guardian  of  the  general  welfare,  should 
favor  them,  because  the  good  of  the  National 
Treasury  demands  it;  because  its  obligation  to  dis- 
pose of  the  public  lands  to  the  best  advantage  de- 
mands it;  because  its  duty  to  avoid  favoritism  and 
invidious  distinctions  between  States  and  sec- 
tions demands  it;  because  its  duty  to  protect  and 
strengthen  an  exposed  frontier  by  all  legitimate 
means  demands  it;  because  its  hope  of  the  future, 
looking  to  the  time  when  the  career  of  these 
States,  and  the  proper  development  of  the  adja- 
cent islarids,  and  the  great  continent  to  the  south, 
shall  have  brought  them  into  closer,  more  inti- 
mate, and  more  important  relations  involving,  in 
a great  degree,  perhaps  wholly,  the  mutual  desti- 
ny; because  its  hope  of  that  future,  so  full  of  in- 
terest and  ••onsequence  to  Florida,  so  full  of  the 
! high  problem  connected  with  human  rights,  hu- 
! man  [u-ogress,  and  human  perfection,  whit  h our 
free  institutions  are  engaged  in  solving,  and  so 
full  of  fate  to  America — because  that  liope  de- 
mands it.  May  I not  then  abide  in  the  trust  that 
grants  so  just,  so  reasonable,  and  so  meritorious, 
will  not  be  delayed  or  denied  by  this  body. 


